This situation, far from being an ideological matter, is a reality that other islands in the archipelago have already addressed with various management models. In Tenerife, the Cabildo (Island Council) has over twenty designated camping areas that require prior authorization and limit the duration of stays. In Gran Canaria, areas such as Presa de las Niñas or Corral de los Juncos have delimited spaces and specific rules prohibiting camping outside them. Meanwhile, Lanzarote maintains a more restrictive model, with access limitations in areas like Papagayo and restrictions on free overnight stays.
In contrast, certain areas of Fuerteventura have experienced a significant increase in camper vans, temporary structures, and irregular occupations on rural land. This phenomenon is no longer limited to specific enclaves or particular times of the year; it has become a continuous presence of live-in vehicles and informal settlements, suggesting an increasingly structural process.
This permanence intensifies challenges in land use planning, environmental sustainability, and public management. Key impacts include soil and vegetation degradation in fragile ecosystems, the proliferation of unauthorized tracks, uncontrolled waste and sewage accumulation, and an alteration of the landscape in high-value natural areas, in addition to effects on wildlife in sensitive zones.
“"The regulation of this activity does not imply its prohibition, but rather its integration into a sustainable model."
Beyond environmental concerns, the prolonged concentration of live-in vehicles in confined spaces also creates tensions in the use of public space, manifesting as noise, continuous occupation of coastal areas, and conflicts among residents, tourists, and occasional visitors, contributing to a growing sense of saturation.
Land use planning experts agree that regulating this activity does not mean prohibiting it, but rather integrating it into a sustainable model. Establishing specific zones, setting temporary limits, and reinforcing surveillance are measures applied in other territories. However, a crucial element is how this regulation is constructed, as ordering is not just about legislating, but also about generating social legitimacy.
In a territory like Fuerteventura, where the use of natural spaces is part of daily life and tourist appeal, any rule perceived as imposed risks generating rejection and, consequently, non-compliance. Therefore, camping regulation cannot be addressed solely from offices. Experience shows that measures work better when citizens are part of the process, opening real participation spaces that include residents, camper van users, environmental groups, the tourism sector, and administrations.
Participation does not mean delaying decisions, but making them more robust, allowing for the identification of real land uses, detecting sensitive or suitable areas for the activity, and anticipating conflicts. This fosters co-responsibility, increasing compliance with rules. Moving towards an ordered model involves incorporating participation tools such as public consultations, diverse working groups, and pilot projects, seeking a clear, shared, and adaptable framework.
The case of El Cotillo ultimately reflects a broader challenge: how to reconcile tourist appeal with environmental conservation and the quality of life of the local population, while also opening an opportunity to approach the situation differently.




